On the far-right, some have developed an obsessive fixation on two things: interracial relationships and pornography.
If you’ve ventured into the conspiracy-laden world of X (formerly Twitter), you’ll find disturbingly prevalent discussions of the Great Replacement Theory. This white supremacist conspiracy theory — pushed on the site by owner Elon Musk himself — suggests that an ominous “they” (an antisemitic euphemism for Jewish people) is secretly bringing people of color into the country to vote for Democrats and ultimately “replace” the white population.
When it comes to pornography, this conspiracy takes a twisted turn. The belief is that the same ominous group “importing immigrants to vote for Democrats” (re: Jewish people) is using interracial cuckold pornography as a tool to emasculate white men and manipulate them into accepting interracial relationships. It sounds absurd and it is.
Meanwhile, statistics reveal that Americans are consuming cuckold porn — a scenario where a man watches his wife engage in sexual activity with another man — in staggering numbers. According to a spokesperson from the adult video site Clips4Sale, sales of cuckold content have skyrocketed — up 191 percent since 2020 and 75 percent in just the past year. Meanwhile, Blacked, a site known for its high-definition interracial content, has become Pornhub’s second most popular channel according to its Channels page, boasting three million subscribers and 2.6 billion views.
The reality is that interracial porn, particularly featuring Black men and white women, is one of the most popular porn genres and stands at the center of one of the alt-right’s most contradictory kinks.
The origins of racist tropes in porn
While cuckold pornography doesn’t necessarily have to involve race, it often does, sex worker advocate Mike Stabile told Mashable. “The underlying idea is that you’re being humiliated by your wife having sex with a Black man, who, according to the stereotype, is more well-endowed and more sexual,” he explained.
This stereotype, which portrays Black men as hypersexual and possessing larger genitalia, is rooted in racism and can be traced back to the Elizabethan era. European colonizers spread these racist tropes in travel books, blending fact and fiction in their depictions of African people. According to accounts from this time, Black men were often described as having “enormous” penises, with one writer claiming that African men were “furnisht with such members as are after a sort burthensome unto them,” as detailed in a Guardian article by Afua Hirsch.
The alt-right’s obsession with Black men’s bodies isn’t new — it’s a modern twist on an old fear that twentieth-century psychoanalyst Frantz Fanon called “Negrophobia.” In his 1952 work Black Skin, White Masks, Fanon dissected how racism is driven by a toxic mix of fear and sexual desire, where Black men are reduced to hypersexual threats. This fixation is linked to the “Mandingo” stereotype, born from post-abolition anxieties that painted Black men as dangerously virile. White men feared not just their political and economic power but also their perceived sexual threat to white women. This fear fueled anti-interracial marriage laws and an obsession with maintaining “racial purity,” often leading to brutal acts of violence.
As Mashable Features Editor Rachel Thompson explains in Rough: How Violence Has Found Its Way Into the Bedroom and What We Can Do About It, these anxieties date back to slavery when rape was considered a crime only if it involved a white woman. Under the chattel slavery system, particularly in Louisiana, the rape of a Black woman — whether enslaved or free — was not considered a crime. In stark contrast, the rape or attempted rape of a white woman by an enslaved Black man could result in capital punishment.
Films like The Birth of a Nation (1915) later revived and mainstreamed these racist stereotypes, helping to rekindle the Ku Klux Klan and perpetuate the dangerous myth of the hypersexual Black man.
This same fear was at the heart of tragic events like the Tulsa race massacre of 1921, where a false accusation of sexual assault by a Black man against a white woman sparked one of the deadliest outbreaks of racial violence in American history. Similarly, in 1955, the murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till, who was lynched for allegedly flirting with a white woman, became a powerful symbol of the deadly consequences of these racist fears and the systemic violence they perpetuated.
Even today, these fears manifest in phrases like “white women tears,” in which white women use their perceived hierarchical status in situations against people of color that would be advantageous for them. For example, the Amy Cooper incident in Central Park, where Cooper falsely claimed she was being threatened by an “African-American man,” despite no actual threat being present.
Given the historical context, interracial cuckold porn taps into these old anxieties, turning them into a modern spectacle of sexual racism. What might seem like a simple act of humiliation — a husband watching his wife with another man — is laden with the weight of these deep-seated fears.
Content produced by sites like Blacked perpetuates the narrative that white women are “betraying their race” by engaging in sexual relationships with Black men, a dynamic rooted in the racist fear of interracial mixing. The implication is that by choosing a Black partner, these women are rejecting white men and, by extension, undermining the so-called “purity” of the white race.
Given the historical context, interracial cuckold porn taps into these old anxieties, turning them into a modern spectacle of sexual racism.
According to Stabile, “At that point, the husband represents the entire white race,” reinforcing the idea that this act of “betrayal” goes beyond personal relationships and taps into long-standing racial anxieties about power, sexuality, and dominance.
Donald Trump and the “cuckservative”
The term “cuck,” a shorthand for cuckold, was aggressively co-opted by the alt-right during Trump’s first presidential run in 2016 and then picked up steam within the manosphere, evolving from its 13th-century origins as “the husband of an adulterous wife.” When used by the alt-right, the word becomes a pejorative — a weaponized insult for anyone perceived as weak, emasculated, or insufficiently committed to the cause of white supremacy. As Maureen Kosse, a PhD candidate in linguistics at the University of Colorado, Boulder, explained, “What [the far-right] is actually saying when they use the term ‘cuck’ is that white men are being humiliated or undermined by Black and brown men, who are taking what is rightfully theirs — namely, white women.”
This narrative gained traction during the 2016 election, a period that saw the rise of former President Donald Trump. Trump’s ascension to the Republican presidential nomination and eventual win, with his aggressive rhetoric and rejection of political correctness, provided the perfect backdrop for these terms to flourish.
Thus, “cuck” became a litmus test within right-wing circles, used to measure one’s dedication to the preservation of white male dominance. The use of “cuckservative” — a portmanteau of “cuckold” and “conservative” — further cemented this insult within the political lexicon, specifically targeting those on the right who were perceived as betraying their race or conservative values.
Kosse notes that figures like Jeb Bush, who faced the insult frequently due to his marriage to Columba Bush, born in Mexico, and his relatively moderate stance on immigration, became prime targets. For the far-right, interracial relationships symbolize the ultimate threat to white male supremacy. To a lesser extent, the same problem has been happening to current Republican vice presidential nominee JD Vance and his wife Usha, who is of Indian descent.
“Control over white women is as central to white supremacy as whiteness itself,” argued Kosse. “White men have always been obsessed with the idea of Black men having sex with white women because it inverts their entire worldview, creating a kind of erotic charge that they both fear and fetishize.”
The dichotomy between fear and fetishization is common within the alt-right, where public postures of strength mask private insecurities. As explained by Kosse, by indulging in these fantasies, they both confront and reinforce their fears. The scenario of a white man being humiliated by a Black man serves as both a nightmare and a confirmation of their twisted worldview.
“The fear of humiliation is a big reason that they watch [interracial porn]. But also because it does, in their own weird way, prove their own worldview,” Kosse said.
Let’s clear something up: Not every white guy who clicks on interracial porn is some alt-right, neo-Nazi incel. But if you’ve been following the lawsuits, think pieces, Reddit threads, and academic deep dives about this content, it’s pretty obvious that it’s not exactly made with Black men or white women in mind as the primary viewers.
The anti-porn party’s porn habits
As the manosphere and its influencers like Andrew Tate and Jordan Peterson have gained traction in recent years since COVID, a perpetual line between them all is their anti-porn and anti-masturbation stance.
The manosphere’s disdain for pornography and masturbation is deeply rooted in its obsession with power, dominance, and traditional gender roles. Within these communities, porn is viewed as a tool that weakens men, both physically and psychologically, by promoting a passive, pleasure-seeking behavior that is seen as antithetical to the ideals of masculinity.
The manosphere’s anti-masturbation stance intersects with broader right-wing ideologies, such as those championed by initiatives like Project 2025, which aims to eliminate pornography on moral and cultural grounds. Both the manosphere and these right-wing groups view pornography, especially interracial porn, as a threat to the social fabric, believing it undermines traditional values and weakens male dominance.
Despite the moral outrage conservatives often express about pornography, however, data consistently shows that interest in porn is higher in conservative states. While limited, research suggests that residents of these areas are among the most avid consumers of adult content, particularly in regions with strong religious and political conservatism.
As one study noted, while individual religiosity and political conservatism generally predict lower rates of pornography consumption, evangelicals living in more politically conservative states actually report higher rates of porn use.
“When you’re obsessed with power, you’re also going to be obsessed with dominance,” noted Stabile. “But often, our sexual fantasies and fetishes articulate our anxieties. So while publicly they may speak of dominance, privately, they may be exploring fantasies of submission.”
